World Socialist Web Site – July 3, 2024

Israel orders mass displacement of Palestinians from Khan Younis

By by Andre Damon

Israel ordered the mass displacement of another 250,000 people from the city of Khan Younis in Gaza on Monday, in the latest stage of its genocide against the population of the narrow Palestinian enclave.

The ongoing bloodbath has the full approval of the Biden administration in the United States which is funding, arming and politically supporting Israel’s policy of genocide ethnic cleansing. Last week, Reuters reported that the US government has provided Israel with 14,000 massive 2,000-pound bombs—more than any other type—making clear that the destruction of Gaza and the massacre of its population is the intended US policy.

The United Nations condemned the latest mass displacement. “Yesterday’s order for evacuation of 117 square kilometers in Khan Younis and Rafah governorates applies to about a third of the Gaza Strip—making it the largest such order since October, when residents were ordered to evacuate northern Gaza,” said a spokesperson for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres.

Those fleeing the city were forced to set up temporary shelters “at the water’s edge because displacement camps are already packed at the coast,” the UN said.

Khan Younis had been largely abandoned weeks ago following earlier evacuation orders, with most of the population pushed into Gaza’s southernmost city of Rafah. But with Israeli forces launching an attack on Rafah, those seeking shelter there were once again forced into Khan Younis. On Monday, they were forced to flee again.

“It’s another devastating blow to the humanitarian response here, it’s another devastating blow to the people, the families on the ground. It seems that they’ve been forcibly displaced again and again,” UNRWA Senior Communications Officer Louise Wateridge said.

She continued, “How do parents decide where to go? Where is there to go? Already by this morning, just to the middle Gaza area, along the coastal road, you can see the makeshift shelters right up to the shoreline, right up to the water coming in. It is absolutely packed with families who have already had to move.”

She added, “In the north, middle and south areas of the Gaza Strip, no place is safe. Already on the ground, we are seeing families move away from this area. There is more chaos and panic spreading on the ground.”

Al Jazeera reported that 12 members of a single family were killed by an Israeli airstrike Tuesday after evacuating from Khan Younis to a supposed “safe zone.”

One displaced man, Bakri Bakri, told AFP News agency, “There is no room for us or any of the displaced.” He added, “We have left again, and we do not know where to go. We went back to our place in al-Mawasi, but we could not find it because there are so many displaced. We slept in the street without shelter, without food, without water.”

Israel’s assault on Rafah has largely shut the border crossing with Egypt, cutting the flow of food and energy into Gaza to a trickle. Hospitals are forced to ration power and cannot provide normal levels of care, much less enough to deal with the hundreds of people being wounded by Israeli bullets and bombs each day.

“Hospitals are once again short on fuel, risking disruption to critical services as injured people are dying because ambulance services are facing delays due to a shortage of fuel,” World Health Organization Regional Director Dr. Hanan Balkhy told UN News.

The lack of clean and potable water is leading to a surge of disease, which hospitals are simply not equipped to deal with.

The daily Israeli bombardment continues throughout the Gaza Strip. Between June 27 and July 1, 135 Gazans were killed and 631 were injured. The official death toll stands at 37,900, but there has been widespread speculation that the real death toll could be in the hundreds of thousands.

A report by UN Women last month noted that 557,000 women in Gaza are facing food insecurity, “leading many to skip meals or reduce their intake to ensure their children are fed.” A recent UN survey found that 76 percent of pregnant women were suffering from anemia, while “99 percent reported facing challenges in accessing necessary nutritional supplies and supplements.” The UN noted, “Faced with no alternatives, women are also largely relying on burning wood, plastic, and other waste materials to cook, being particularly exposed to hazardous smoke and pollutants that cause respiratory and other health issues, the survey found.”

Gaza’s Health Ministry noted that hospitals are facing “rampant” skin infections and lice outbreaks, as well as 880,000 cases of respiratory diseases.

In a statement to the United Nations Security Council, UN Coordinator for Gaza Sigrid Kaag declared, “Over one million people have been displaced once again, desperately seeking shelter and safety. 1.9 million people are now displaced across Gaza.” She said, “The war has not merely created the most profound of humanitarian crises. It has unleashed a maelstrom of human misery.”

Meanwhile, Israeli officials have announced that they are implementing a plan for creating what they call “humanitarian bubbles” throughout Gaza, a euphemistic term for what will effectively be concentration camps.

In an article titled “The Postwar Vision That Sees Gaza Sliced Into Security Zones,” the Wall Street Journal reported over the weekend a US-Israeli plan to create “temporary shelters” in the form of “fenced-off geographic islands located next to their neighborhoods and guarded by the Israeli military.”

Top of Form

This plan is being put into effect, the Financial Times reported, in a series of camps throughout Northern Gaza. The camps “will soon be launched in the northern Gaza neighborhoods of Atatra, Beit Hanoun, and Beit Lahia, according to six people with knowledge of the plan,” the FT reported.

Israeli officials, meanwhile, are pledging even more barbaric treatment of the Palestinian people. In a post on Twitter, Israeli National Security Minister Ben Gvir declared, “Since I assumed the position of Minister of National Security, one of the highest goals I have set for myself is to worsen the conditions of the terrorists in the prisons, and to reduce their rights to the minimum required by law.”

He declared, “It is very possible that even after the addition of the new prisons is completed, the many terrorists will still be overcrowded in prison. I have already proposed a much simpler solution, of enacting the death penalty for terrorists, which would solve the overcrowding issue.”

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/07/03/byqn-j03.html

Tom Dispatch – July 3, 2024

Another American War in the Middle East?

By Juan Cole

In mid-June, the Associated Press announced that the U.S. Navy had been engaged in the most intense naval combat since the end of World War II, which surely would come as a surprise to most Americans. This time, the fighting isn’t taking place in the Atlantic or Pacific Oceans but in the Red Sea and the adversary is Yemen’s — yes, Yemen’s! — Shiite party-militia, the Helpers of God (Ansar Allah), often known, thanks to their leading clan, as the Houthis. They are supporting the Palestinians of Gaza against the Israeli campaign of total war on that small enclave, while, in recent months, they have faced repeated air strikes from American planes and have responded by, among other things, attacking an American aircraft carrier and other ships off their coast. Their weapons of choice are rockets, drones, small boats rigged with explosives, and — a first! — anti-ship ballistic missiles with which they have targeted Red Sea shipping. The Houthis see the U.S. Navy as part of the Israeli war effort.

The Gate of Lamentation

In a sense, it couldn’t be more remarkable, historically speaking. Modest numbers of Yemenis have managed to launch a challenge to the prevailing world order, despite being poor, weak, and brown, attributes that usually make people invisible to the American establishment. One all-too-modern asset the Houthis have is the emergence of micro-weaponry in our world — small drones and rockets that, at the moment, can’t be easily wiped out even by the sophisticated armaments of the U.S. Navy.

Another is geographical. The Houthis command the Tihamah coastal plain, the eastern littoral of the Red Sea. It stretches from the Bab el-Mandeb Strait (the entry point to that sea from the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean) to the Suez Canal, which connects the shipping in those waters to the Mediterranean, and so to Europe. The Bab el-Mandeb, known for being treacherous to navigate even in the most peaceable of times, is said to mean “the Gate of Lamentation,” and these days, it’s living up to its name. Keep in mind that 10% of world seaborne trade flows through the Suez Canal and, perhaps even more importantly, 12% of the world’s energy supplies.

What we might call the Battle of the Tihamah has already lasted seven months and, surprisingly enough, given the opponents, its outcome remains in doubt. The Associated Press quotes Brian Clark, a senior fellow at the neoconservative Hudson Institute and a former Navy submariner, as expressing concerns that the Houthis are on the verge of penetrating American naval defenses with their missiles, raising the possibility that they could inflict significant damage on a U.S. destroyer or even an aircraft carrier. Repeated American and British air strikes against suspected Houthi weapons sites in and around the Yemeni capital, Sanaa, have so far failed to halt the war on shipping. Even high-tech American Reaper drones are no longer assured of dominating Middle Eastern airspace since the Houthis have shot down four of those $30 million weapons so far.

Idling the Suez Canal

Given how little Americans generally know about Yemen, some historical background is perhaps in order. The Houthi movement has its roots in Zaydi Shiism, which took hold in northern Yemen in the 890s. (Yes, the 890s, not the 1890s!). Today’s Zaydis are upset by Israeli atrocities in Gaza. Last December, large crowds of them came out in the Zaydi stronghold of Saadeh and other northern Yemeni towns to protest Israel’s intensive bombing of that 25-mile strip of land. Waving Yemeni and Palestinian flags, they pledged support against “the armies of tyranny,” shouting, “We closed Bab el-Mandeb, O Zionist, do not approach!” and “The Yemeni response is legitimate, and the Red Sea is forbidden!”

The Houthis have indeed struck commercial container ships in the Red Sea, even seizing one, the Galaxy Leader (which, believe it or not, they turned into a tourist attraction). They also sank two cargo ships, killing three crew members. Although they maintain that they are only hitting Israeli-owned vessels, most of their attacks have, in fact, targeted the vessels of unrelated third parties like Greece. Their strikes have, however, caused a major disruption in world trade.

The Houthis have also fired large numbers of ballistic missiles at the Israeli Red Sea port of Eilat, idling it since November. Some five percent of Israel’s imports once arrived through Eilat. Now, such trade has been rerouted to Mediterranean ports at a distinctly higher cost, while southern Israel’s economy has taken a big hit. Gideon Golber, the CEO of the Port of Eilat, demanded that the United States intervene. And Israel is anything but the only country to suffer from such attacks. Ports such as Massawa, Port Sudan, and Berbera in the Horn of Africa have also become ghost towns, while the traffic through the Suez Canal is now so light that Egypt, which collects transit tolls, is suffering significant economic damage.

In addition, those Houthi strikes, local as they may seem, have had an impact on global supply chains. Insurance costs have risen radically, with crushing war-risk premiums. Ocean container ship rates surged this spring, as companies involved in the trade between Asia and Europe have been forced to avoid the Suez Canal and instead take a far longer route around the Cape of Good Hope and up the Atlantic coast of Africa. Shanghai to Rotterdam rates skyrocketed from $1,452 for a 40-foot container in July of last year to $5,270 in late May 2024.

Revolutionary Shiite Islam

The present militia commander in Yemen, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, considers himself part of a Shiite revolutionary tradition that goes back a long, long way. So, to truly grasp the dangers of the moment for the U.S. Navy in the Red Sea, it makes sense, believe it or not, to momentarily journey deep into history.

Last year, al-Houthi observed the death in battle of the founder of his tradition, Zayd Ibn Ali, in the year 740. His “movement, renaissance, jihad, and martyrdom,” he said, “made a great contribution to the continuity of the authentic Islam of Muhammad… He faced tyranny and had an impact on instituting change.”

A generation of Americans involved in the Middle East has come to understand that there are two major branches of Islam, the Shiites and the Sunnis. Neither is monolithic, with each branch having several denominations. The division between the two goes back to questions about the succession to the Prophet Muhammad (who died in 632). One faction of early believers invested leadership in senior disciples of the Prophet from his Quraysh clan. Over the centuries, these became the Sunnis.

Another faction, which gradually evolved into the Shiites, favored Muhammad’s son-in-law and first cousin, Ali ibn Abi Talib. Seeking a dynastic succession, they invested leadership in Ali’s descendants through the Prophet’s daughter Fatimah. Most Shiites historically acknowledge 12 Imams or leaders of the dynasty. The Zaydis, however, accepted only five early Imams.

Unlike the Shiites of Iran and Iraq, Yemen’s Zaydis never had ayatollahs. Nor did they curse Sunnis, with whom they often had good relations. The Zaydi branch of Shiism in Yemen was led by court judges or qadis, typically hailing from a caste of putative descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, the Sayyids or Sadah, who emerged as mediators in tribal feuds. Critics of today’s Helpers of God government in North Yemen allege that, despite its populist rhetoric, it is dominated by a handful of clans who consider themselves descendants of the Prophet, including the Houthis themselves.

Saudi Hegemony and the Rise of the Houthis

Forms of Arab nationalism and a rhetoric of anti-imperialism are anything but new in Yemen. After World War II, with European empires weakened, a desire for independence swept the Global South. Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt emerged as the nationalist leader who finally kicked the British out of his country, inspiring so many others in the region. Egyptian-backed young officers in Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, staged a coup in 1962 against a hidebound theocratic leader who had long kept the country in a state of isolation. In the process, they drew it into a civil war between republican nationalists and royalists. Britain, Saudi Arabia, and Israel all backed the royalists, but some 100,000 crack Egyptian troops won the day for the young officers before withdrawing in 1970.

In 1978, Colonel Ali Abdallah Saleh, a politician in North Yemen, launched an internal coup within the officer corps there and appointed himself president for life. His corrupt government, putatively a secular Arab nationalist one, would receive billions of dollars from the fundamentalist royalists of Saudi Arabia.

The Helpers of God party militia, or the Houthis, arose among the Zaydi Shiites of northern Yemen in the 1990s as a backlash against the inroads that neighboring, wealthy Wahhabi Saudi Arabia had made. That country’s Wahhabism had arisen as a puritan reform of Sunnism in the eighteenth century. Saleh allowed its missionaries to proselytize the Shiite Zaydis, provoking the anger of the latter.

Under the influence of the anti-Saudi Houthi family, Zaydi militiamen based in Saadeh in Yemen’s hardscrabble north turned radical, coming into frequent conflict with the Yemeni army. When the Arab Spring youth revolt overthrew Saleh in 2012, the Houthis’ political wing sought influence in the new government. But in September 2014, impatient with an interminable reform process aimed at drafting a new constitution and electing a new parliament, the Houthis marched into the capital, Sanaa, and took it over. Behind the scenes, they had allied with the deposed president, Saleh, before his death, and the army faction still loyal to him, which gave them access to billions of dollars in American-supplied weaponry. By early 2015, the Houthis had expelled Saleh’s successor, Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, from the capital and made an unsuccessful bid to take over all of Yemen from Saadeh in the north to Aden in the south.

Meanwhile, their dominance of North Yemen proved unacceptable to the Saudis and the allied United Arab Emirates (UAE), whose secular potentate, Mohammed Bin Zayed, had long despised such Islamic political movements. As a result, those two countries launched an air war against the Helpers of God in the spring of 2015. The ruinous Seven Years War that followed would displace millions and endanger even more millions with food insecurity and disease. It failed, however, to dislodge the Helpers of God and, by 2022, a truce was finally agreed to. Perhaps thanks to that painful experience, the Saudis have declined to join the Americans this year in the Battle of Tihamah. And in some fashion, the Houthis’ experience of the intensive aerial bombing tactics of Saudi Arabia and the UAE years ago undoubtedly left them with particular sympathy for the Palestinians under incessant Israeli air assault in Gaza.

An Alliance of Resistance

Both the Saudis and the Emiratis saw the Houthis as a mere cat’s paw for Iran. Although the Iranians did indeed offer them some support, this was a distinct misreading of the relationship between Sanaa and Tehran. At the very least, Iranian aid was dwarfed by the billions of dollars in weaponry Washington provided to Riyadh and Abu Dhabi in those years.

In reality, the Houthis are homegrown Yemeni nationalists, having even attracted some Sunni tribes into their coalition. Still, their current leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, has clearly been influenced by aspects of Iran’s political radicalism and chants “death to America” and “death to Israel” just the way Iran’s clerical leader Ali Khamenei does. Like the regime in Iran, the Houthi government has no respect for domestic human rights or dissent. Although there is no command line from Tehran to Sanaa, the Houthis do loosely form part of Iran’s “alliance of resistance” against Israel and the United States. However, it’s not clear that Iran, closely allied with Russia and China and covertly exporting its U.S.-sanctioned petroleum to China, ever wanted international shipping costs to double, thanks to the Houthi attacks in the Red Sea, something which hurts all three of those countries.

Despite the Houthi appeal to religious identity, it’s also mainly a movement of Arab nationalists, which helps to explain its deep sympathy for the Sunni Palestinians as fellow Arabs. In an interview at the beginning of June, Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi condemned Israel for its genocide against the Palestinian people in Gaza and its targeting of the West Bank and Palestinian East Jerusalem. He similarly denounced Washington as an imperial partner of Israel and an enabler of its crimes, as well as a hypocrite in theoretically promoting respect for the rule of law, while dismissing or even threatening international courts and supporting crackdowns at American colleges and universities when their students protested Israeli policies. He also praised the resistance of the vaguely allied forces of Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Iraq’s Shiite militias. In the process, he vowed that however intense American (and British) air attacks on Yemen became, he and his movement would never back down from their support of the Palestinian people.

At the moment, the situation in the Red Sea remains militarily muted, but it has the potential to become one of the most dangerous in the world, rivaling those in Ukraine and Taiwan. In the meantime, it remains a drag on the global economy, while helping to contribute to stubborn inflation and supply-chain problems.

Significant Houthi damage to a U.S. naval vessel at any point in the future could plunge Washington into warlike acts that might risk direct conflict with Iran. President Joe Biden could, of course, lower the temperature by moving far more strongly to end Israel’s total war on Gaza, an intolerable affront to norms of international humanitarian law that only strengthens the vigilantism of the Houthis and their like. While the ongoing Israeli assault should be ended to prevent further death and looming mass starvation in Gaza, it should also be ended to forestall yet another ruinous American war in the Middle East.

Juan Cole, a TomDispatchᅠregular, is the Richard P. Mitchell collegiate professor of history at the University of Michigan. He is the author of The Rub£iy£t of Omar Khayyam: A New Translation From the Persian and Muhammad: Prophet of Peace Amid the Clash of Empires. His latest book is Peace Movements in Islam. His award-winning blog is Informed Comment. He is also a non-resident Fellow of the Center for Conflict and Humanitarian Studies in Doha and of Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN).

https://tomdispatch.com/turning-the-red-sea-redder/

Al Jazeera – July 3, 2024

Gaza policy makes US a ‘target’: Former officials

The 12 officials say the cover provided to Israel has ‘ensured’ the US’s ‘complicity’ in the war on Gaza.

July 3, 2024

A group of former United States government officials have claimed that Washington’s support for Israel’s war in Gaza puts national security at risk.

The 12 officials, who resigned over the last nine months protesting against the US policy, said in a letter released late on Tuesday that President Joe Biden’s support for Israel means that Washington has “undeniable complicity” in the killing and starvation of Palestinians in Gaza. They labelled the White House policy on the war in the enclave “a failure and a threat to US national security”.

While Biden and his administration have made rhetorical efforts urging Israel to show restraint in recent weeks, Washington continues to provide military and diplomatic support to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his coalition government, which includes hardline nationalist parties.

That has seen several officials quit in protest since Netanyahu launched the war on the enclave following Hamas’s attack on southern Israel on October 7.

Maryam Hassanein, who left her post as a special assistant at the Department of the Interior on Tuesday, was the latest to resign. She was one of the signatories, alongside former officials from the Department of State, the US Agency for International Development (USAID), the military, and four political staff members.

“America’s diplomatic cover for, and continuous flow of arms to, Israel has ensured our undeniable complicity in the killings and forced starvation of a besieged Palestinian population in Gaza,” the letter read.

“This is not only morally reprehensible and in clear violation of international humanitarian law and US laws, but it has also put a target on America’s back,” the former officials warned.

‘Credibility of US values’

The protest letter comes as international protests against Israel’s conduct in Gaza persist, with US military and diplomatic support for its ally also increasingly criticised.

Gaza’s Ministry of Health says nearly 38,000 Palestinians have been killed in the war, with many more feared to be under the rubble as Israeli bombardments flattened once-populated areas of the besieged enclave.

The October attack by Hamas, which governs the Gaza Strip, killed about 1,200 people. A further 250 or so were abducted and taken to Gaza. It is estimated that some 120 remain captive.

With Israel having blockaded Gaza, the enclave’s 2.4 million people have also been plunged into a deep humanitarian crisis, with food, water, medicine and fuel all in short supply.

Washington has called for more aid to be allowed into Gaza, but Israel continues to impose tight restrictions. The former officials argue in their letter that Israel’s ability to enforce this blockade on Gaza is another failure of US policy.

“Rather than hold the Government of Israel responsible for its role in arbitrarily impeding humanitarian assistance, the US has cut off funding to the single largest provider of humanitarian assistance in Gaza: UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestinians,” it read.

“Rather than using our immense leverage to establish guardrails that can guide Israel towards a lasting and just peace, we have facilitated its self-destructive actions that have deepened its political quagmire and contributed to its enduring global isolation.”

The statement added that the US policy regarding the Middle East had also been damaging to the “credibility of US values” as the US condemns Russia’s war on Ukraine while “unconditionally arming and excusing Israel’s”.

The former officials outlined steps for the government to ensure that, including implementing the Leahy Laws that prohibit providing military assistance to forces involved in human rights violations and for the government to ensure the expansion of humanitarian aid to Gaza and the reconstruction of the territory.

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/7/3/gaza-policy-makes-us-a-target-former-officials

Countercurrent – July 3, 2024

Collective Action to Address Mob Lynching in India Post 18th Lok Sabha Elections

by Sumit Kr Gupta

Mob Lynching remains a pressing issue that continues to afflict societies worldwide, with India being no exception. The aftermath of the 18th Lok Sabha elections in India witnessed a disturbing uptick in Mob Lynching incidents, prompting concerns about the country’s law enforcement capabilities and the safety of its populace. Tackling this issue necessitates a united front comprising political leaders, law enforcement agencies, community organizations, and the media. This article delves into the nuances of hate crime and hate speech, the legal framework in India to combat such offenses, and the imperative for collaborative action to prevent and address Mob Lynching in the nation.

Hate Crime and Hate Speech

Hate crimes and hate speech represent manifestations of prejudice and discrimination directed against individuals or groups based on various characteristics such as race, religion, sexual orientation, or gender identity. These reprehensible acts not only inflict harm on their immediate targets but also sow fear and intimidation within the broader community. Particularly insidious is hate speech, which can inflame violence and foster animosity towards marginalized groups, resulting in severe repercussions.

In the Indian context, hate crimes and hate speech have long posed challenges to social harmony and cohesion. While the Indian Penal Code (IPC) does not explicitly delineate hate crimes, it contains provisions designed to address actions that incite enmity between groups based on religion, race, language, or region. Sections 153A and 153B of the IPC specifically target hate speech and actions detrimental to maintaining harmony among diverse communities.

Moreover, the Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989, in India aims to combat atrocities against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes by addressing crimes motivated by caste-based discrimination. These legal safeguards serve as vital instruments in combating hate crimes and ensuring justice for marginalized communities.

Challenges Posed by Mob Lynching

The recent surge in hate crime incidents subsequent to the 18th Lok Sabha elections has underscored the urgent need for a comprehensive response to this issue. The brutal nature of these attacks has instilled fear among citizens and cast doubts on the efficacy of law enforcement mechanisms in quelling such violence. Addressing mob violence necessitates a multifaceted approach that extends beyond punitive measures to encompass proactive initiatives aimed at fostering social harmony and empathy.

Education and awareness initiatives play a pivotal role in sensitizing communities to the perils of mob violence and promoting tolerance and understanding towards diverse groups. Community engagement is equally crucial in fostering unity and mutual respect across different societal segments. Responsible media coverage and ethical utilization of social media platforms can aid in shaping public perceptions and countering misinformation that often fuels mob violence.

Legal Framework for Combating Mob Violence

In India, existing laws such as the IPC and the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) offer legal avenues to address mob violence and hold perpetrators accountable for their actions. The Supreme Court has also issued guidelines to prevent and manage mob attacks, underscoring the necessity of swift and resolute action by law enforcement agencies.

Enforcing these laws effectively and imposing stringent penalties on individuals involved in mob violence are pivotal steps in deterring such incidents and securing justice for victims. Furthermore, enhancing coordination among various stakeholders, including the judiciary, law enforcement agencies, civil society organizations, and governmental bodies, is essential to streamline efforts to combat mob violence.

References:

https://countercurrents.org/2024/07/collective-action-to-address-mob-lynching-in-india-post-18th-lok-sabha-elections/
 

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